
During the NEC elections earlier this year Left Unity candidates warned that the election of Coalition for Change candidates made up of different factions such as the Socialist Party and Alliance for Workers Liberty amongst others would move the Union towards more unpaid days of strike action being asked of PCS members. These warnings were borne out by the first NEC decisions to emerge from them. The Alliance argue that their small majority gives them a mandate for this changed approach but their election material made references to this merely talking about a more effective strategy designed to maximise pressure on the employer around a series of demands contained in ADC motion A315. The passage of that motion effectively left a number of smaller Bargaining Units who had achieved the ballot threshold with a mandate to take action and the majority of PCS members concentrated mainly in the larger employer Groups with a new list of different demands to construct a separate dispute around them.
Over 100 lay reps and Group Secretaries gathered at a Senior Lay Reps Forum (SLRF) to consider the next steps of the campaign and consider a set of proposals from the new NEC majority grouping. General Secretary Fran Heathcote set out a series of recommendations that she had made to the NEC which included tabling the demands from A315 to create new trade dispute with the employer; considering how to involve privatised and devolved areas into the national dispute recognising their different legal employer status; opening a dispute on the assault on Equality, Diversity and Inclusion in the civil service; an analysis of Labour’s stated commitments how they might impact in each of our spheres of influence and draw up a set of bargaining objectives related to them and writing to the new Minister for the Cabinet Office seeking early negotiations on our bargaining objectives.
The General Secretary’s proposals were voted down by the Coalition for Change groups and replaced with the new set of demands that included a 10% pay rise, pay restoration, £15p/h, additional money for London, meaningful pay bargaining, inflation protection for civil service wages, 100,000 new civil service jobs, flexible hybrid working, an end to job cuts, effective staffing levels, the creation of a national climate service, the reversal of attacks on Civil Service Jobs Protocols and all anti-union attacks undertaken against civil service unions since 2010, an end to office closures except by agreement, investment in local civil service offices and pensions justice.
Their proposals continued with a deadline of 24 July for the government to respond with concrete talks around all of these concerns and others or then to call out all of the Bargaining Units with a live mandate on a minimum of one day of strike action, followed by a limited amount of paid targeted action in certain areas and to re-ballot the areas that didn’t reach the ballot threshold with a proposed ballot timetable running from September to November.
It’s worth noting here that the areas with a successful live mandate are a number of smaller Bargaining Units amounting to less than 20,000 PCS members in total. Any strike action involving these members at this time would not include the five largest employer Groups of PCS members including the DWP, HMRC and Home Office.
Most of the representatives (in different PCS political groupings as well as non-aligned) from the areas with mandates spoke in opposition to the idea of calling members out on one day of strike action which would be unpaid was not what their members had voted for in the spring, and would be unlikely to have much impact. Some of these areas had contributed periods of successful targeted action which had been instrumental in delivering the significant concessions won by the dispute strategy of the previous NEC supported by days of national unpaid actions involving larger numbers of members and other Unions where this could have an impact.
A number of concerns were raised about the widening scope of the dispute for other areas including things like the creation of 100,000 new civil service jobs, creation of a new climate service, and ending all anti-union attacks as objectives which although desirable would be unlikely to be seen by most members as achievable in the course of a national dispute. This would be repeating some of the old failed tactics of the past of a series of one or two day stoppages around a shopping list of different demands, with varying levels of membership support for each of them. Members would need to be convinced in sufficient numbers to win a ballot that they are being asked to take action for winnable demands with sustainable and realistic levels of industrial action to achieve them.
When members were voting in large numbers in the ballots last year under the strategy of our NEC leadership they could see dozens of other Unions taking action alongside them, they could see clear and focussed objectives around the most immediate priorities for them at the height of the cost of living crisis and they could see an NEC that was not going to take them out on endless days of unpaid strike action.
A number of speakers reported that Ministers from the new Labour government had already addressed staff meetings in some Departments and these had been welcomed and well received by members. Of course we should place demands on the new Government as the General Secretary has proposed but it should also be recognised that tens of thousands of our members will have voted for them and would expect their Union to at least give them the opportunity to develop policies in constructive discussions with them. Both the junior doctors and ASLEF Train drivers Unions have already been invited into discussions with new Ministers with a view to ending their long running disputes.
The biggest problem identified by the SLRF was the running of two different disputes concurrently tagged as a “National Campaign”. As referred to by the General Secretary at ADC it would be illegal to add a series of new demands into an existing Trade dispute with the employer. What the NEC majority are proposing therefore is effectively two disputes run concurrently one for those employer groups with a mandate which expires in November and another involving the reballot of the other areas concluding also in November. This would effectively be one dispute for the small Groups and another one for the large Groups and hugely divisive.
There would also be no guarantees that the larger Groups would get over the required 50% threshold in a reballot especially without an Organising plan which the Coalition for Change representatives succeeded in defeating at ADC although they are promising to have a new one to put to ADC next year! This would leave smaller Groups completely exposed to taking on the Government alone without the support of the majority of PCS members. There are a whole host of other practical and industrial difficulties with trying to maintain two different disputes under the guise of a national campaign. So much so that even one of the Coalition for Change elected Vice-Presidents came in and expressed serious concerns with the strategy that he had supported at the NEC previously.
A couple of Broad Left Network members attempted to salvage their position. One of their leading NEC members complained that it’s a very difficult situation (such are the challenges of leadership!) and another argued that taking a day’s strike action was better than nothing. In these contributions and the contrasting strategies put forward you can see the difference between a serious leadership prepared to make difficult decisions in order to win concessions for members, offered by Left Unity and the Democracy Alliance and those who see taking industrial action without any strategic objectives to be gained from but as means to an end in itself offered by our opponents in the Coalition for chaos.